Women in the Workplace: Disadvantages Women in the Workplace:
Click to Enlarge Figure 1b Why is this important? Unless currently engaged in the day-to-day juggle of getting kids to the day care center, rushing to the office, and leaving in time to make sure they are picked up by 6pm, the stress involved recedes and the memory of the difficulty of the juggle lessens.
It is not that parents who have launched their children or now have grandchildren have no empathy with those engaged in the this balancing act; it is more that the juggling of jobs and kids is not upper most in their minds. The overall distribution of households reminds us that issues of getting established in the labor market or of old age security are most pressing for many in the population.
Work-family balance issues may be on their agenda but not at the top of the list of what policies most interest or concern them.
Projections of households to the year suggest that the proportion of households with children under age 18 will decline by about 5 percentage points as the Baby Boom moves into retirement age. This will increase the number of married couple households without minor children and the number of persons living alone.
Having said this, I would like to now focus on the 35 percent of households and 52 percent of the population who are most intensely involved in the day-to-day balancing of work and family obligations. Juggling Work and Family: Two well documented trends are that more married couple families with children are dual-earner families than in the past and many fewer include a parent, usually the mother, was is engaged in any paid work.
And, with increases in family disruption and postponement of marriage resulting in more births outside marriagemore children today spend time in a single parent family where increasingly the only option is for that coresident parent to work outside the home to support the family.
Perhaps the bast way to illustrate this change is to focus on children. Figure 2 shows the increase in the percentage of children who have both parents if in two-parent households or their only resident parent if in a single parent household in the workforce.
What we see is that already by the mids, 59 percent of children had all parents with whom they lived in the workforce 51 percent for children under age 6 and 63 percent among school age children, age -- data not shown. Bythis had increased by 9 percentage points, such that 68 percent of children 61 percent of pre-schoolers and 71 percent of school-age children had all parents working.
The percentages among school-age children were lower but 31 percent in two-parent families and 24 percent in single parent families had a parent usually the mother who was not in the paid workforce. Jointly, married parents have hours for all activities including sleep!
One breadwinner families might, in the past, have used about 40 hours of that total for paid work. That is a sizable reallocation of time in these households. Also, when researchers compare the two-breadwinner couples of the past with the present, there appears to have been some increase in the estimated number of joint hours of labor force participation.
Marin Clarkberg and Phyllis Moen, using data from the General Social Survey, data report an increase from 78 to 84 hours a week of combined labor market hours between and for dual-earner couples.
Jerry Jacobs and Kathleen Gerson, using data from the Current Population Survey, find a slightly smaller increase from 78 to 81 in joint labor market hours between and Hence, it is useful to focus on trends in female labor force participation and changes in domestic work to show just how dramatic these have been.
A 60 percentage point differential in the labor force rates of women and men existed inwhen 37 percent of women but 97 percent of men were in the labor force.
Women still do more housework than men but they have substantially reduced the amount of nonmarket work they perform each week and it is this reduction that has contributed most to a narrowing of time spent in nonmarket housework over time.
Interestingly, our analysis of time trends in housework shows that, if anything, women not working for pay have shed housework hours even more rapidly than women working for pay! Figure 4 Click to Enlarge Figure 4 The increase in labor force participation among women has benn assisted by trends in marriage and childbearing: In recent decades, women have also increased their investment in post-secondary education, eliminating the gender gap in college attendance and graduation and dramatically increasing their representation in fields such as business, law, medicine.
These changes have been accompanied by an increase in the work experience of the female labor force in the last two decades, a narrowing in occupational segregation between men and women workers, and, in the s, a narrowing of the wage gap. The stagnation in male wages since the early s has also been a factor propelling less educated women to remain in the workforce even after marriage and children.
Were it only the unmarried and childless who were increasing their paid work, the the increase in female labor force participation would have limited implications for families. In recent decades, more and more women have remained attached to the labor force even after making these transitions to wife and mother.
The most dramatic increases in labor force attachment have been among married women, particularly those with young children. As shown in Figure 5, historically, mothers who were not married either never married or formerly married mothers had higher labor force participation rates than married mothers.
Not surprisingly, these women were more often compelled to combine market work with childrearing. As the figure shows, in only 19 percent of married mothers with children under age 6 were in the labor force but his increased to 64 percent ina rate very close to that of formerly married mothers and higher than for never-married mothers who tended to be younger and less well educated than the other two groups.
Figure 5 Click to Enlarge Figure 5 Hence, while the constituency of those interested in work-family issues may be narrowing to a smaller number of households, because a more limited range of the entire life cycle is spent living with children as we have smaller families and live longeramong those in the childrearing years, the constituency interested in work-family issues is broadening because the number of working single parents which continues to increase is augmented by the growing proportion of two parent families juggling paid work and childcare demands.
There is no question that mothers of young children are devoting more time to paid market work. My colleague, Phil Cohen and I have made some recent estimates of the change in the annual hours of work for mothers with children under age 6. As shown in the top panel of Figure 6, primarily due to the increase in the proportion working for pay, the average annual hours of market work have increased dramatically for mothers on young children -- from an average of just under hours per year to 1, hours per year.
Figure 6 Click to Enlarge Figure 6 The other point that is important to emphasize with this figure, however, is illustrated by the bottom two lines that show the percentage of married and unmarried mothers who work full-time, year-round.
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This has increased but remains below 40 percent for both groups.half being the dramatic increase in women’s participation in the labor force.
This second half of the gender revolution had been observed to have been taking place in private spheres - at home.
Regardless of the evidence of polls and of labor-force-participation rates that include part-time workers, women do not seem to be behaving like men in the labor market.
The Bureau reports that the largest gain in women's participation in the workforce happened between and and has since slowed down, averaging an increase of only percentage points.
The increase in labor force participation among women has benn assisted by trends in marriage and childbearing: in particular, women have been delaying marriage and children and having fewer children than during the Baby Boom years of the s and s.
A century of change: the U.S. labor force, – an increase of 51 million, or a growth rate of percent annually, between and (See table 1.) • Changes in gender structure of the labor force. Women in the labor force increased their numbers at an extremely rapid pace in for the earlier high growth rate was the.
The labor force participation rates of men and women aged 62–79 have notably increased since the mids. The result is a dramatic increase in the share of total money income attributable to earnings.